An initial analysis of the Proctor Statement

On 25 August, Keith Harvey Proctor made his second statement about private and public allegations about his involvement in historical child sexual abuse. He spoke to refute what he believed were unfair disclosures by the police and the media. Although he has not been charged at this point, the police have questioned him twice, once at length.

He spoke to rebut and refute what he perceived as the attack on his character and the character of dead colleagues. The following is a partial, or tentative, analysis of his statement. I say partial or tentative as it is only based on a few hours of research and writing time. However, as it is a public statement about a public event of great public interest, I thought it worthy of study. After the safety of the community, justice is the government’s highest duty to its citizens. Moreover, justice or protection for the most vulnerable, in particular, children, is perhaps the highest obligation.

He has spoken to influence the public debate so his statement will be of interest to those who want to understand the way public statements influence the public debate. The analysis is not an attempt to determine Mr. Proctor’s guilt. He is presumed innocent. The essay is an attempt to understand his statement, what it means, and consider its potential effect on the public debate regarding this issue.

[Please note that the following material contains some very disturbing information about child abuse and readers who may be affected by the material are encouraged to avoid paragraphs 9-10.]




I am a private citizen. I have not held public office and I have not sought public office since May 1987. As such, I am entitled to be regarded as a private citizen. Since the General Election of 1987 I have sought a private life. I have been enjoying a full life, gainfully employed and personally happy.

What defines or determines whether someone is a public or private citizen? As a former MP, he is hardly an ordinary citizen. He may be a private citizen, but he is hardly an average or ordinary citizen. As someone active in politics and well connected politically, if not socially, the statement that he is a private citizen misses out important caveats and considerations. For example, he lives (lived) in a grace and favour cottage on the Belvoir Castle estate.[1]

This all came to an abrupt end on 4th March 2015. What now follows is a statement on my present predicament created by an unidentified person making totally untrue claims against my name.

The public domain can make extraordinary demands on a private citizen. In the UK this is particular noteworthy as the press are vociferous and vigorous in their pursuit of stories. One would not be overstating it by much to say that they patrol the public domain and viciously attack anyone they dislike or they find disagreeable. However, to enter the public domain, even at the hands of the media or the state, does not end one’s life as a private citizen. Unless one is incarcerated, one retains a private life as set by law and custom. It may be a life that is temporarily inconvenienced by the media, but it exists.

The claim that the allegations that have been made are untrue is only an assertion. This is Mr. Proctor’s view. If the allegations are taken to court, they can be tested. His statement that he is innocent is different from a claim that the allegations are false. He is innocent until proven guilty. However, we cannot know if the allegations are false until they are investigated and tested. As we will see below, the allegations are only what Mr. Proctor has reported. His statement about the allegations, how they were phrased and who they referred to, have not been verified.

At the same time, his claim that they are not untrue is not the same as saying they are false or baseless. His word choice does suggest that he chose the word for a purpose. An untrue statement is not the same as a false or baseless statement. Moreover, would we really expect someone to say, “The claims are true.”

Before going any further I wish to make it clear that the genuine victims of child sexual abuse have my fullest sympathy and support and I would expect the full weight of the law to be used against anyone, be he ‘ever so high, or ever so low’, committing such odious offences. Nobody and I repeat, nobody is above the law.

Mr. Proctor shows his sympathy if not empathy for the “genuine” victims of child sexual abuse, which suggests, as we will see later, is that there are false victims of child sexual abuse. Here the language is important. We see a subtle sign where he indicates that some victims of child sexual abuse are not genuine. One point to clarify though is the Monarch is above the law. The Queen is not subject to all laws. She cannot be sued and she only obeys the laws voluntarily. Parliament is not in a position to enforce the law and although she obeys the law, it is an important constitutional point that she is above the law. Thus, his claim that nobody is above the law is not accurate. It is a nice sentiment and belief, but it is not constitutionally correct in the UK.

  1. However, I attach equal weight to justice for innocent people wrongly accused of child sexual abuse, especially when it is done anonymously.

Mr. Proctor criticizes the decision to grant his accuser anonymity. Yet, he must realize that the anonymity exists for a particular reason in these cases and in this case in particular. In the UK, someone is innocent until proven guilty. The judicial system, which sustains that idea, requires the police to investigate allegations of criminal activity. They are required to gather evidence to determine whether someone is wrongly accused. The process can take time and it is not one that either the alleged perpetrator or the alleged victim would want to be rushed.

We also note for a second time Mr. Proctor’s language. He says that there should be “justice for innocent people wrongly accused”. Earlier he said there were “untrue claims” and now refers to those “wrongly accused”. Yet, we cannot determine whether he is wrongly accused until the evidence is gathered and tested to confirm or disconfirm the allegations. It would appear he would like us to accept his claims to innocence based on his word and not test them in court or against the standards of evidence. It would appear he would like to argue his case in the court of public opinion if not in the judicial court, which he refers to later.

This is what is happening to me and many high profile figures, many of whom are dead and cannot answer back.

Here we note a common theme that has appeared in commentary on the issue. The commentary is critical of claims about powerful paedophile predators. The commentators want to protect the dead who cannot defend themselves. Yet, what remains unanswered is why the dead, especially those with no living children, require a defence. It would appear that the commentators, especially those with a national newspaper platform, have decided that the dead are to be protected over the living.

Mr Proctor suggests his experience is the same as other high profile figures. However, he seems to overlook how many high profile figures have been convicted of child sexual abuse (Rolf Harris[2]) and (Max Clifford)[3] or suspected.[4] Further, he seems to overlook the deceased figures where the police dropped the investigation despite years of allegations, extensive evidence, and witnesses willing to give testimony (Peter Jaconelli,[5] Jimmy Savile,[6] and Cyril Smith[7])

This statement is necessarily lengthy and detailed and at times complicated. Please bear with me and at the end I will be prepared to answer your questions.

  1. On 18th June, 2015, at my request, I was interviewed by the Metropolitan Police Murder Squad “Operation Midland”. This interview lasted over 6 hours. At the very outset I had to help the Police with my full name which they appeared not to know. It may surprise you that it was over 3 and an half months after my home was searched for 15 hours and more than 7 months after the most serious allegations were made against me that I was interviewed. I went on to cooperate fully with the Police with their investigation.

What is unclear is why Mr. Proctor agreed to be interviewed voluntarily. This is not explained in his statement and is the first of many claims within his statement that give pause for thought or at least warrant further discussion.

We do not know if Mr. Proctor cooperated fully with the investigation. He has claimed it and the initial evidence he provides suggests that he has cooperated fully. However, we have only his statement about his cooperation.

  1. The allegations have been made by a person who the Police have dubbed with a pseudonym – “NICK”. He appears on television with a blacked out face and an actor’s voice. All of this is connected with alleged historical child sexual abuse in the 1970ies and 1980ies. “NICK” was interviewed by the Police in the presence of a reporter from Exaro – an odd internet news agency.

Mr Proctor refers to Exaro, describes it as “odd”, but does not elaborate or explain why it is “odd” or what makes it “odd”. His claim that “Nick” was interviewed with an Exaro reporter present have ben refuted by Exaro.

  1. As a Member of Parliament I always spoke in favour of the police. I believe in law and order and I believe in equipping the police to do their job and , with my track record, it will come as a surprise that I have grave and growing concerns about the Police generally and more specifically “Operation Midland”.

Here we see a second statement that is curious. Mr. Proctor supported the police, law, and order without ever bothering to consider whether they are corrupt or even competent. He blindly followed them and supported. Yet, when he is subject to their power, he finds them questionable and objectionable. Even though thousands of people have claimed and complained about police behaviour for the past 50 year, he only takes an interest when it relates to him. His statement reminds of the old joke. A conservative is a liberal who has been mugged and a liberal is a conservative that has spent a night in the cells.

I have decided to share these concerns with you. I believe I am not speaking just for myself today. I hope I am not being presumptuous when I say I feel I am speaking for those who have no voice whatsoever including the dead to whom I referred moments ago.

Here is the third curious statement, and one that becomes strange when considered against later claims. The powerful people he seeks to defend are not defenceless. On the contrary, the voices that defend the dead have been vociferous in their defence. They are not on the fringe of the public domain. Politicians and media commentators who have a global platform have defended the dead. Far from being left defenceless, the dead have been protected and championed by the establishment. We can see a national columnist from the Telegraph defending Brittan and Heath. Although other papers have defended the dead politicians, the Telegraph has been the paper leading the defence.[8]

  1. Two days before my interview with the Police, my Solicitors – Sakhi Solicitors of Leicester – were sent a “disclosure” document. It set out the matters the Police wished to discuss with me. It was the first time I had known of what I had been accused. On the day of my interview I was not arrested, nor placed on Police bail, I was told I could leave the Police Station at any time and that it was a voluntary interview. I and my Solicitors had previously been told I was not a suspect.

Mr. Proctor does not provide a copy of the “disclosure” document, although he does appear to quote from it, we do not know its exact contents or any caveats it may contain. We cannot yet judge what the police wanted to know. We do know that Mr. Proctor was able to afford legal counsel so he is not as disadvantaged as he would make it seem.

  1. At the end of the interview I was given no information as to how much longer the Police investigation would take to bring the matter to a conclusion. I think you will understand I cannot allow this matter to rest.

Here is the fourth curious statement. Who is told when an investigation is going to end? Why does Mr. Proctor believe that he, a person of interest, would be told when an investigation would end? It is as if Mr. Proctor, a life long defender of the police, never bothered to find out how they worked or what they did. This is even more puzzling given his arrest and conviction for sexual offences. He had been in custody previously so should be aware of the police process.

  1. So you can gauge how angry I am and in an attempt to stop the “drip, drip, drip” of allegations by the police into the media , I now wish to share with you in detail the uncorroborated and untrue allegations that have been made against me by “NICK”.

Mr. Proctor appears less concerned with policing than with the way the police handle the media. In light of his experience, he may support the Leveson Inquiry and its sequel. His case reminds us of the ongoing relationship between the media, the police and politicians. His concern about the public domain shows that the constant drip of allegations into the media has corrosive power. Yet, the public seem to accept the media’s power until it is directed at them. Unlike others, though, Mr. Proctor has taken the opportunity to present his side of the case.

Anyone of a delicate or a nervous disposition should leave the room now.

  1. The following is taken from the Police disclosure document given to my Solicitors two days before my first interview with the Police under the headings “Circumstances”, “Homicides” and “Sexual abuse”.

Mr. Proctor is only quoting from part of the statement. If the document were provided in total he would have explained that it was. As we only have a part, we are unable to assess the full document.


“ Circumstances

The victim in this investigation is identified under the pseudonym “Nick”. He made allegations to the Metropolitan Police Service in late 2014. Due to the nature of the offences alleged, “Nick” is entitled to have his identity withheld.

The police have explained to Mr. Proctor why “Nick”’s identity has been withheld. He continues to argue that such an entitlement is unwarranted or unnecessary without explaining why.

“Nick” stated he was the victim of systematic and serious sexual abuse by a group of adult males over a period between 1975 and 1984. The abuse was often carried out whilst in company with other boys whom were also abused by the group.

These dates provide the context for the statement and the abuse. It also narrows down, or brings into focus the time frame for Nick’s experiences.

“Nick” provided names of several individuals involved in these acts including Mr HARVEY PROCTOR. He states MR PROCTOR abused him on a number of occasions which included sexual assault, buggery and torturous assault. He also states MR PROCTOR was present when he was assaulted by other adult males. Furthermore, “Nick” states he witnessed the murder of three young boys on separate occasions. He states MR PROCTOR was directly responsible for two of the allegations and implicated in the third.

Here we have an important issue to resolve the relationship between abuse, torture, and murder. Even if one or more are ruled out, the underlying issue of sexual abuse remains. We have to guard against assuming that if one part is false or disproven that all parts are disproven or false.

The dates and locations relevant to MR PROCTOR are as follows:-


The issue of homicide in child abuse cases often attracts disbelief. Many people find that such claims are likely far fetched if not simply incredible. Sadly, though, the reality is otherwise. Child sexual abuse by paedophiles can, and does, escalate into murder.[9]

1980 – at a residential house in central London. “Nick” was driven by car to an address in the Pimlico/Belgravia area where a second boy (the victim) was also collected in the same vehicle. Both boys, aged approximately 12-years-old, were driven to another similar central London address. MR PROCTOR was present with another male. Both boys were led to the back of the house. MR PROCTOR then stripped the victim, and tied him to a table. He then produced a large kitchen knife and stabbed the child through the arm and other parts of the body over a period of 40 minutes. A short time later MR PROCTOR untied the victim and anally raped him on the table. The other male stripped “Nick” and anally raped him over the table. MR PROCTOR then strangled the victim with his hands until the boy’s body went limp. Both males then left the room. Later, MR PROCTOR returned and led “Nick” out of the house and into a waiting car.

Here is a second important point. If a child was killed, then there would be a missing person or a potential murder report. Here is a detail that can be checked and researched. We do not know if there is a child murder from that time in that rea. IF the body was disposed at sea or by other means, then we would not now. If there is a missing child report from that time. However, we do know from other confirmed police trials that children have been trafficked in and out of the UK for such activity.[10]

1981-82 – at a residential address in central London. “Nick” was collected from Kingston train station and taken to a “party” at a residential address. The witness was among four young boys. Several men were present including MR PROCTOR. One of the men told the boys one of them would die that night and they had to choose who. When the boys wouldn’t decide, the men selected one of the boys (the victim). Each of the four boys including “Nick” were taken to separate rooms for “private time”. When they all returned to the same room, Nick was anally raped by MR PROCTOR and another male as “punishment”. The other males also anally raped the remaining boys. MR PROCTOR and two other males then began beating the chosen victim by punching and kicking. The attack continued until the boy collapsed on the floor and stopped moving. All of the men left the room. The remaining boys attempted to revive the victim but he was not breathing. They were left for some time before being taken out of the house and returned to their homes.

Here is a further detail that can be researched and confirmed or disproven. If a child was murdered in this period, then a missing child report, an unidentified body, or an unsolved murder would be relevant evidence to consider. However, the same caveats or constraints, as mentioned above, would need to be considered.

Between May and July 1979 – in a street in Coombe Hill, Kingston. Nick was walking in this area with another boy (the victim) when he heard the sound of a car engine revving. A dark-coloured car drove into the victim knocking him down. “Nick” could see the boy covered in blood and his leg bent backwards. A car pulled up and “Nick” was grabbed and placed in the car. He felt a sharp pain in his arm and next remembered being dropped off at home. He was warned not to have friends in future. “Nick” never saw the other boy again. “Nick” does not identify MR PROCTOR as being directly involved in this allegation. However, he states MR PROCTOR was part of the group responsible for the systematic sexual abuse he suffered. Furthermore, he believes the group were responsible for the homicide.

Here is a further detail that can be researched to either confirm or disprove. Was there an accident or a patient admitted to hospital for these injuries or this incident.

Sexual Abuse

1978-1984 – Dolphin Square, Pimlico. “Nick” was at the venue and with at least one other young boy. MR PROCTOR was present with other males.MR PROCTOR told “Nick” to pick up a wooden baton and hit the other boy. When “Nick” refused he was punished by MR PROCTOR and the other males. He was held down and felt pain in his feet. He fell unconscious. When he awoke he was raped by several males including MR PROCTOR.

We have been given a location where Mr. Proctor and Nick appeared to intersect. We are aware that Dolphin Square is a place where abuse is confirmed to have occurred. In a later interview, Mr. Proctor confirms that he has attended Dolphin Square in the company of a general and a secretary. It places him in the location. However, that does not discount the possibility that he was there at other times for a different, less benign, purpose.

1978-1981 – Carlton Club, central London, “Nick” was driven to the Carlton Club and dropped off outside. MR PROCTOR opened the door. Inside the premises were several other males. “Nick” was sexually assaulted by another male (not by MR PROCTOR on this occasion ).

What could be confirmed is whether young males were ever seen present at Carlton Club at this time or at any other time.

1978-1981 – swimming pool in central London. “Nick” was taken to numerous ‘pool parties’ where he and other boys were made to undress, and perform sexual acts on one another. He and other boys were then anally raped and sexually abused by several men including MR PROCTOR.

The swimming pool is not identified so we cannot know if the location or the context can be proven or disproven.

1981-1982 – Large town house in London. “Nick” was taken to the venue on numerous occasions where MR PROCTOR and one other male were present. He was forced to perform oral sex on MR PROCTOR who also put his hands around “Nick’’’s throat to prevent him breathing. On another occasion at the same location, MR PROCTOR sexually assaulted “Nick” before producing a pen-knife and threatening to cut “Nick’’’s genitals.MR PROCTOR was prevented from doing so by the other male present.

1979-1984 – residential address in central London.”Nick” was taken to the venue. MR PROCTOR was present with one other male. MR PROCTOR forced “Nick” to perform oral sex on him before beating him with punches.

1978-1984 – numerous locations including Carlton Club,Dolphin Square and a central London townhouse. “Nick” described attending several ‘Christmas parties’ where other boys were present together with numerous males including MR PROCTOR. “Nick” was given whiskey to drink before being forced to perform oral sex on several men including MR PROCTOR.

MR PROCTOR will be interviewed about the matters described above and given the opportunity to provide an account.”

  1. I denied all and each of the allegations in turn and in detail and categorised them as false and untrue and, in whole, an heinous calumny. They amount to just about the worst allegations anyone can make against another person including, as they do, multiple murder of children, their torture, grievous bodily harm, rape and sexual child abuse.

Mr. Proctor provides a robust and categorical denial of the charges. He does not provide the details for his denials or explain how they are wrong. For example, being able to demonstrate he was out of the country at the time of one or more of the alleged incidents. However, we have to accept that people are innocent until proven guilty.

  1. I am completely innocent of all these allegations.
  2. I am an homosexual. I am not a murderer. I am not a paedophile or pederast. Let me be frank, I pleaded guilty to four charges of gross indecency in 1987 relating to the then age of consent for homosexual activity. Those offences are no longer offences as the age of consent has dropped from 21 to 18 to 16. What I am being accused of now is a million miles away from that consensual activity.

Here we face a difficult point within any situation where someone wishes to defend their reputation or defend themselves against charges. We would be surprised if someone were to admit that they were guilty. In any case, we have to take his statement as true until proven otherwise or evidence suggests that the claim has to be tested in court.

  1. At the start of the interview, I was told that although the interview would be recorded by the Police both for vision and sound, I would not receive a copy of the tapes. I asked to record the interview for sound myself but my request was refused. During the interview, to ensure that “Nick” had not identified the wrong person, I asked if I could see photographs purporting to be me which had been shown to him. My request was refused. At the end of the interview I was asked if I knew my 8 alleged co conspirators whose homes it was alleged I had visited. I believe I have a good recollection and the list comprised a number of people I knew, some who I had heard of but not met and some I did not know. None of the allegations were alleged to have taken place at my home and I have not visited the homes of any of the “gang”.

Here is another point that can be verified or disconfirmed. Either he has or has not visited any of these homes.

  1. The list included the names of the late Leon Brittan and the late Edward Heath.
  2. If it was not so serious, it would be laughable.
  3. Edward Heath sacked me from the Conservative Party’s parliamentary candidates’ list in 1974. Mrs Thatcher restored me to the list 18 months later. Edward Heath despised me and he disliked my views particularly on limiting immigration from the New Commonwealth and Pakistan and my opposition to our entry into and continued membership of what is now know as the E.U. ; I opposed his corporate statist views on the Economy. I despised him too… He had sacked the late Enoch Powell, my political “hero” from the Shadow Cabinet when I was Chairman of the University of York Conservative Association. I regarded Enoch as an intellectual giant in comparison with Heath.
  4. The same Edward Heath, not surprisingly, would never speak to me in the House of Commons but would snort at me as he passed me by in a Commons corridor. The feeling was entirely mutual.
  5. Now I am accused of doing some of these dreadful things in his London house as well; a house to which I was never invited and to which Heath would never have invited me and to which I would have declined his invitation.

Here we face a difficulty. Earlier, Mr. Proctor claimed he had to defend his dead colleagues. If he hated Heath with such a passion, why would he now defend him after death? If he held no loyalty to him at all, why speak up on his behalf?

  1. The same Edward Heath’s home with CCTV, housekeeper, private secretary, chauffeur, police and private detectives – all the trappings of a former Prime Minister – in the security conscious days of the IRA’s assault on London.

We know that public officials often have private lives that appear to escape scrutiny. We also know that security officers and personal employees will display a loyalty to their employer or patron at the law’s expense. We know that John F Kennedy had extramarital affairs despite having Secret Service protection. In the UK, we know that security forces intervened to thwart the potential expose of Cyril Smith. The security services also seemed unable or unwilling to confront powerful people over allegations of child sexual behaviour. We know that Lord Armstrong justified his failure to confront Leon Brittan over the allegations of child sexual abuse as it would be “bad for the government”.[11] He put the party loyalty before the safety of a child. Thus, it seems strange to insist that people who depended on Heath for their livelihood would risk everything on the possibility of raising a concern, a concern that would be unlikely to be believed? Even in the United States we know of Jerry Sandusky escaped punishment *when he was caught in the shower with a child*.[12] Mr Proctor’s claim seems questionable at best and extremely naïve, if not disingenuous, at worst. It is eminently possible for Mr. Heath to act as alleged. The allegation, therefore, has to be investigated before it can be disconfirmed.

  1. It is so farfetched as to be unbelievable. It is unbelievable because it is not true. My situation has transformed from Kafka- esque bewilderment to black farce incredulity.

The claims do not seem far-fetched from what we already know. We know from other investigations, such as those reported by Nick Davies, that child sexual abuse could culminate in murder. We do know that various senior public officials have had repeated allegations made about them. Cyril Smith, for example, was not charged with crimes even though the evidence presented to the police indicated that he should be charged. We know that Peter Morrison escaped serious charges as the police reduced the charges against him.

  1. I have nothing to hide and nothing to fear. I appeal to any witness who truthfully can place me at any of the former homes of Edward Heath or Leon Brittan at any time to come forward now. I appeal to any witness who can truthfully say I committed any of these horrible crimes to come forward now.

Mr Proctor makes a robust defence by pointing to the central difficulty of a single accuser. If no one else can corroborate the charges or come forward as a witness to the events, then the case against him does not appear as strong.

  1. The “gang” is also alleged to have included Lord Janner ( a former Labour M.P.), Lord Bramall (Former Chief of the General Staff) , the late Maurice Oldfield (Former Head of Secret Intelligence Service – MI6), the late Sir Michael Hanley ( Director General of the Internal Security Service – MI5), General Sir Hugh Beach (Master-General of the Ordnance) and a man named – Ray Beech. I did not move in such circles. As an ex Secondary Modern School boy from Yorkshire, I was not a part of the Establishment. I had no interest being part of it. I cannot believe that these other 8 people conspired to do these monstrous things. I certainly did not.

Mr. Proctor uses the term “gang” to describe the organised activity. However, we do not know if the policed that term or whether it is accurate to describe it in that way. People may be organised in their activities without being a gang. The term gang suggests something criminal in a way that “set” or “group” does not. However, what is important is that Mr. Proctor has released a list of names, which the police have not released. However, the issue that Mr. Proctor raises, The Establishment, is curious. He immediately makes the argument that these men were (are) part of the establishment. He does not clarify whether the police described them in that way or whether this is his view of these men. Moreover, he does not explain what makes them part of the “Establishment”.

What is also curious is that Mr. Proctor elides Lord Janner upcoming trial. We know that at least one of the people within the “gang” is facing a court trial and two others (Heath and Brittan) have had allegations made against them previously (Brittan) and recently (Heath).

  1. Yesterday I was interviewed again by the Metropolitan Police Murder Squad for 1 hour 40 minutes. It was a voluntary interview. I was free to go at any time. I was not arrested. I am not on bail. Unhelpfully, the second disclosure document was given to me some 20 minutes after yesterday’s  interview was supposed to have started rather than last Friday as had been promised.  My Solicitors were told by the Police it was ready but had to be signed off by superior officers on Friday.  The Metropolitan Police are either inefficient or doing it by design. Whatever else, it is  inept and an unjust way to treat anyone.

Mr. Proctor expresses his displeasure at the way that his interview was organised. It would appear he believes that the police are inefficient as they are not as organised as he would like. As someone who professed a deep belief in the police, he seems ignorant of how policing works or how a modern bureaucracy works. It would appear he expects the police to be able to manage their interviews, despite their contingent nature and political context, in the way that a GP or the DWP organise their appointments. What he does not consider is how the police treat other people and that he has likely received better treatment than most people whom the police interview.

A further concern is Mr. Proctor’s attitude given the seriousness of the allegations and his alleged potential involvement in or knowledge of horrific events including murder. He appears to believe that he should be treated differently. He does not state it directly but his statement makes the implicit point.

   During yesterday’s interview,  I was shown a photograph of “Nick” aged about 12. I did not recognise him. I was shown computer generated e fit images of 2 of the alleged murder victims created by “Nick”.  They looked remarkably similar  to each other but one with blonde hair and one dark brown. I did not recognise either image. I was asked if I knew Jimmy Saville. I told them I did not. “Nick” alleges – surprise surprise – that Saville attended the sex “parties”. I was asked if I knew a number of people including Leslie Goddard and Peter Heyman. I did not these two. I was asked if I knew well, a doctor – unnamed. Apparently “Nick” alleges the doctor was a friend of mine and allegedly he turned up to repair the damage done to the boys when they were abused at these “parties”.

Here we have a further point to consider. The mention of a doctor suggests another line of enquiry if doctors were made available or were willing to provide care for the children who had been abused. If the claim is true, it reinforces the argument for law requiring abuse being reported. Further it raises the concern that a medical professional is willing to support and enable the abuse of children.

What we do have, though, are clear denials by Mr. Proctor of specific details such as the identity of alleged victims as well as someone who is alleged to have enabled the abuse. Both of these lines of enquiry can be explored as the other e-fit picture either suggests another witness or another victim. In either case, they are a line to be explored.

I could not help there . I was asked if I could recognise images of the pen knife mentioned earlier. It was suggested it was Edward Heath who persuaded me not to castrate “Nick” with it.

Here we have a further point that is uncertain or unclear. Mr. Proctor has indicated, “it was suggested it was Edward Heath”. He does not clarify how it was suggested. We do not have a way to verify the statement or what it means. It would appear, from what he has said that Edward Heath was present at the party and intervened to protect “Nick” from Mr. Proctor. What is not clear is how that was conveyed or what that meant.

I was obviously so persuaded by Mr Heath’s intervention that I placed the pen knife in “Nick’s” pocket ready for him to present it to the Metropolitan police over 30 years later as “evidence”. I could not identify the knife. I have never had a pen knife.

The pen knife does provide another reference point. It suggests a tangible item that could be researched or investigated. It is another point that might intersects with any of the participants or locations.

I was asked if I visited Elm Guest House in Rocks Lane, Barnes. I wondered when that elephant in the room would be mentioned by the Metropolitan police. I am sorry to have to disappoint the fantasists on the internet but I did not visit Elm Guest House. I was unaware of its existence.  The so called “guest list” which makes its appearance on the net must be a fake.

Mr. Proctor provides a clear rebuttal of a reference to Elm Guest House. Several points emerge from this reference. First, it would have been odd if the police had not referred to Elm Guest House as it has been mentioned in other accounts and many of the same people involved with Nick appear to have visited or attended Elm Guest House. Second, as Mr. Proctor acknowledges his name appears to have been mentioned on a “guest list”. Third, Mr. Proctor confirms his awareness of “fantasists on the internet”. Such awareness is also a point of interest. Just as someone may allege crimes based on what they have read so too can someone cloud or confuse an investigation based on what they have read.

  1. During my first interview I was told that the Police were investigating to seek out the truth. I reminded them on a number of occasions that their Head of “Operation Midland”, Detective Superintendent Kenny McDonald had said on television some months ago “ I believe what “NICK” is saying as credible and true “. This statement is constantly used and manipulated by Exaro and other Media to justify their position.

Here we begin to see Mr. Proctor’s concern with the way the investigation has been managed. However, he seems to ignore the way investigations are conducted. There are two related, but separate issues to consider. The first is the method by which the police investigate. The second is how they manage the media or publicity around the investigation. On the first point, the police are entitled to say whether the allegations provide credible so that they can continue to investigate. The police are experienced so will be able to determine relatively quickly whether the witness and their claims are credible based on either internal consistency of their story, the evidence they have provided, or both. So far, Mr. Proctor’s has not provided anything, aside from his displeasure and disbelief in the claims, to undermine or refute the claims. Thus, we are at the point where the different versions of events and evidence have to be tested.

The second issue is the way the police have handled the publicity associated with the investigation. Here there is an ongoing, and ultimately unresolvable, debate. The police have to provide enough information to reassure the public about the investigation, as what has been alleged is of great importance, and to maintain a balance to protect the investigation’s integrity. When the police make a statement, they cannot control how the media use it. What we do not have, interestingly, is Mr. Proctor’s concerns about the Fake Sheik or the way the press have handled other cases. He is concerned with the way his case has been handled as it has not handled in the way he would like it to be handled.

  1. This remark is very prejudicial to the police inquiry and its outcome.

Mr. Proctor is entitled to his view. What we face though is the following issue. If the police investigate without mentioning that they believe that, the witness is credible then their behaviour would implicitly make the same point as their public statement. Why would the police investigate if the witness were not credible? Unless Mr. Proctor wishes to suggest that the police undertake frivolous investigations or should not interview witnesses who allege crimes that involve people in the public domain or formerly in the public domain. What he has not demonstrated or even suggested is how the police statement is prejudicial.

It is not justice and breaches my United Kingdom and Human Rights.

Mr. Proctor has not explained which UK or Human Rights it has breached. Although he is certain they have been breached, he does not explain which ones or how they have been breached. As he has taken legal advice, taken some time, and thought in preparing this statement, one would have expected him to explain or sustain this claim.

This whole catalogue of events has wrecked my life, lost me my job and demolished 28 years of my rehabilitation since 1987.

Here Mr. Proctor shows us the human cost of the allegations. The way crimes are investigated and the publicity that surrounds them places a heavy burden on all that are involved. Any contact with the criminal justice system, even a minor one, leaves a mark on a person. What is particularly problematic are the delays and uncertainty with the process for both a victim and an alleged perpetrator. However, the criminal justice system cannot alter the way in which society reacts to those involved in such cases. The issue is beyond what the police can control or even influence.

  1. The Police involved in “Operation Midland” are in a cleft stick of their own making. They are in a quandary. Support the “victim” however ludicrous his allegations or own up that they got it disastrously wrong but risk the charge of a cover up. What do I think should happen now?

Here Mr. Proctor continues is assertion that the allegations are ludicrous. It leaves unanswered and unasked why they should be dismissed. If they are not to be investigated surely society can ask why the police should take his word that they are without merit and therefore ludicrous. We would expect the police to investigate such claims especially if they have a credible witness who provides a consistent story and describes plausible incidents that are to be investigated. Should investigations be dropped when people find them inconvenient without gathering evidence or testing claims? How else can claims be dismissed if they are not tested?

A second concern is that if the police find that the case is without merit that they will be charged with a cover up. Mr. Proctor alleges only one possible outcome. When the police abandon an investigation, the case can be reviewed and investigated again if there is evidence to suggest it should not have been dropped. When an investigation is dropped a cover up is not always alleged or even a direct consequence. It is curious that Mr. Proctor proposes this dichotomy. His dichotomy shapes the discussion in much the same way that someone says, “My cause is just and if you oppose it you are against justice.”


I should be arrested, charged and prosecuted for murder and these awful crimes immediately so I can start the process of ridiculing these preposterous allegations in open court

Mr. Proctor recommendation appears brave and determined yet it seems empty of meaning. At this stage, he is not a suspect. If he were a suspect, the police would have treated him as one. As it stands, he has been interviewed to test the allegations. At this stage, how can he, or anyone, be clear that an arrest is required? If the police are to do their job, they have to complete their investigation. It would appear that Mr. Proctor has made this claim for his purposes. One of which may be to put pressure on the police. Another purpose may be to prepare his own potential defence should be involved in a future trial. However, only Mr. Proctor knows why he has made this claim.


“NICK” should be stripped of his anonymity and prosecuted for wasting police time and money, making the most foul of false allegations and seeking to pervert the course of justice. Those who have aided and abetted him should also be prosecuted. “NICK” should be medically examined to ensure he is of sound mind.

What is not clear is why this has to be the other alternative. Mr. Proctor seems intent on exposing “Nick’s” identity. He also seems to be certain that all the allegations, not simply those involving himself, are without merit. He seems to have ignored the possibility that “Nick” could be mistaken about his identity or his full involvement yet certain, or certain enough, to warrant the other claims being investigated. Further, he seems certain that anyone who has helped “Nick” should be persecuted.

  1. Detective Superintendent Kenny McDonald should resign from his position as Head of “Operation Midland”. He should resign or be sacked. But as the Metropolitan Police is a bureaucratic “organisation” I suggest, to save face, he is slid sideways to be placed in control of Metropolitan London parking, traffic, jay walking or crime prevention. He too should be medically examined to ensure he is of sound mind.

Here Mr. Proctor seems to revert to the standard response when someone is dissatisfied with the state or with a bureaucracy. “Someone ought to be sacked.” His claim suggests that people are “slid sideways” if they cannot be sacked if they make a mistake or fail in their duty. However, his displeasure at Detective Superintendent McDonald seems misplaced. We cannot know if Detective Superintendent McDonald has mishandled the case until we know more about the case and the investigation continues. It would appear that the only criteria for removing Detective Superintendent McDonald is that Mr. Proctor is dissatisfied with his handling and blames him for the secondary events that have engulfed his life.

What is curious is that Mr. Proctor believes that both “Nick” and Detective Superintendent McDonald should be psychologically assessed. Again, we do not have criteria except that the claims or allegations appear unreasonable to Mr. Proctor. One could suggest that he has made these claims as a way to change the balance in the public domain. A less generous view would be to suggest that he has done this purposefully to prejudice the investigation by making it appear that either “Nick” or Detective Superintendent McDonald will skew their statements or the investigation to respond to his claims.

  1. An investigation should be launched into “Operation Midland” and its costs. Detectives’ expense claims should be analysed and a full audit carried out by independent auditors.

Here we have another standard refrain when someone is dissatisfied with a bureaucrat or a police officer. Their expenses should be checked. The implied meaning is that if it is not a waste of money, it is likely that the officers, or bureaucrats, are doing it to enrich themselves.

  1. Those Labour Members of Parliament who have misused parliamentary privilege and their special position on these matters should apologise. They have behaved disgracefully, especially attacking dead parliamentarians who cannot defend themselves and others and they should make amends. They are welcome to sue me for libel. In particular, Mr Tom Watson, M.P. should state, outside the protection of the House of Commons, the names of ex Ministers and ex M.P.s who he feels are part of the so called alleged Westminster rent boy ring.

Here some further issues need to be addressed. First, Mr. Proctor seems certain that Tom Watson brought the issue to Parliament’s, and the public’s, attention for political gain.[13] Yet, the record is clear that Mr. Watson had cross party support for his claims. Further, he never publicly named Mr. Proctor. It seems that Mr. Proctor’s view is closely related to Dominic Lawson’s claims in the Sunday Times mentioned in footnote 7. The allegations are an attack on the Thatcher and Mr. Watson and other Labour Parliamentarians, have done it for political purposes. Third, and perhaps most importantly, the inquiry and Tom Waton’s PMQ question are not about “rent-boys”. The inquiry is about a predatory paedophiles operating within Westminster with access to if not protection from senior politicians. To refer to “rent-boys” (a legal activity)[14] with a criminal activity based on an abuse of power that destroys children, seems a curious choice of phrase.

  1. Lady Goddard’s Inquiry should examine “Operation Midland’s” methods to sift genuine historical child sexual abuse from the spurious.

Here Mr. Proctor seems to confuse the remit of Lady Goddard’s Inquiry as including the power to investigate police investigations. The normal approach would be to file a complaint with the Independent Police Complaints Commission.

  1. “Operation Midland” should be wound up by the Metropolitan Police Commissioner who should also apologise at the earliest opportunity. On the 6thAugust 2015, Sir Bernard Hogan-Howe shed crocodile tears criticising the Independent Police Complaints Commission and Wiltshire Police for naming Edward Heath as a suspect. He said it was not “fair” and his own force would not do such a thing. This is very disingenuous. When his Police officers were searching my Home and before they had left, the Press were ringing me asking for comment. I was identified. They had told “Nick” of the search who passed on the information to his press friends. The Metropolitan police have also told the press that they were investigating Heath, Brittan, and others.

Mr. Proctor seems to confuse a couple of issues. Sir Bernard Hogan-Howe criticism was more a contrast with how the MPS would have handled it.[15] Second, that information about the search was leaked does not mean that it was known or sanctioned by Sir Bernard. Third, he does not explain how he knew that “Nick” had been told and how he knew that “Nick” had passed it on to others.

Sir Bernard should resign for the sin of hypocrisy. If he does not, it will not be long before he establishes “Operation Plantagenet” to determine Richard III’s involvement in the murder of the Princes in the Tower of London.

If everyone had to resign from hypocrisy there would be no one left to govern or police Britain. However, the statement does reflect Mr. Proctor’s emotional response to what he perceives to be an injustice by the MPS.

  1. Superintendent Sean Memory of Wiltshire Police should explain why he made a statement about Edward Heath in front of his former home in Salisbury and who advised him to select that venue. He should also resign.

Here we find the curious case of Edward Heath’s defence returning. Mr Proctor has explained that he hated Edward Heath. Yet, this is the third time that he has defended him and questioned the way he has been treated. What is curious is why Mr. Proctor hated him while he was alive yet wants to defend him so vigorously and so publicly when he is dead. No one else is as mentioned as frequently as Mr. Heath despite Mr. Proctor claiming he hated him. Only “Nick” is mentioned more frequently.”

  1. Leon Brittan was driven to his death by police action. They already knew for 6 months before his death, on the advice of the DPP, that he would not face prosecution for the alleged rape of a young woman. But they did not tell him. They just hoped he would die without having to tell him. The Superintendent in charge of his investigation should resign.

Here Mr. Proctor makes a bold claim concerning Mr Brittan. We have been told that Mr. Brittan died from cancer, which he had been battling for years. How Mr. Proctor knows that he was “driven to his death” is unclear. Especially as Mr. Proctor said, he was not in the Establishment and did not mix with Mr. Brittan socially or politically.

  1. The Police should stop referring automatically to people who make statements of alleged Historic child sexual abuse as “victims”. They should refer to them as “complainants” from the French “to lament” which would be more appropriate. Parliament should pass laws to better balance the right to anonymity of “victims” and the “accused”. Parliament should reinstate in law the English tradition of “innocence before being found guilty” which has been trashed in recent months by certain sections of the Police, the DPP, MPs, Magistrates and the Courts themselves.

Curiously, no one has said he was guilty or that he had been charged. The issue is not what the police are doing. Instead, it is the way society, in particular the media, deal with these issues. With social media the public domain has changed irrevocably. Institutions, and individuals, find it difficult to protect and contain information especially information that has a high public interest.

  1. I have not just come here with a complaint. I have come with the intention of showing my face in public as an innocent man. I have come to raise my voice as an aggrieved subject now deeply concerned about the administration of Justice. What has become increasingly clear about Police investigations into historical child sexual abuse is that it has been bungled in years gone by and is being bungled again NOW. The moment has come to ask ourselves if the Police are up to the task of investigating the apparent complexities of such an enquiry ? These allegations merit the most detailed and intellectually rigorous application.

Aside from doing it better, Mr. Proctor does not offer a way to improve the investigation process. He only knows that it does not work as it has involved him. Moreover, he is certain that it is bungled now because it has asked him questions. We have to remember that he has only been interviewed, once at his own request, which does not suggest the investigation is flawed nor does it suggest that it could be improved by his suggested approach that he be arrested.

  1. What is clear from the last few years of police activity driven by the media, fearful of the power of the internet and the odd M.P. here and there is that the overhaul of the Police service up and down the country is now urgently required. We need “Super cops” who have been University educated and drawn from the professions. Such people could be of semi retirement status with a background in the supervision of complex, criminal investigations. These people could be drawn from the law, accountancy and insolvency practices. Former Justices of the Peace could chair some of these investigations. Adequate incentives should be provided to recruit them.

Mr. Proctor’s claim that the Police have only recently begun to fear the press seems to overlook the whole point of Leveson. The insidious relationship between the police and the media started long before the Internet. Social media has revealed it. It has made explicit what was only implicit. However, what has not changed and the press have not influenced are the fundamentals of a police investigations. The basic approach will always require claims to be investigated and people to be questioned to determine the validity and truth of such claims.

As for his claims about reorganising the police and creating “super cops”, they appear to reflect someone who is simply out of touch with current police reforms or the government’s approach to policing.[16]

  1. I speak for myself and, as a former Tory M.P. with an impeccable record in defending the Police, I have now come to believe that that blind trust in them was totally misplaced. What has happened to me could happen to anyone. It could happen to you.

Mr. Proctor’s statement seems almost innocent in its earnestness. “It could happen to you”. Where has Mr. Proctor been for the past 30 years? It seems as if he has been living in an isolated world where there is never a concern with an abuse of authority or the way the police, and the government, conduct themselves. If he police were doing such a good job and the public had confidence in their work, then the government would not need to have a radical packages of reforms with *integrity* as a key concern?

  1. In summary, the paranoid Police have pursued an homosexual witch hunt on this issue egged on by a motley crew of certain sections of the media and press and a number of Labour Members of Parliament and a ragbag of internet fantasists.

The concern with a homosexual witch hunt seems to refer to a historical era that is now closed. It is rapidly becoming a memory rather than a reality. The police are uninterested in his sexuality as they are interested in the allegations of child sexual abuse and murder.

There are questions to ask about what kind of Police Force do we have in Britain today. How can it be right for the Police to act in  consort with the press with routine  tip offs of House raids, impending arrests and the like.

Mr. Proctor apparently has never heard of Rupert Murdoch or the way that the News International, or even all of Fleet Street, does their work. He seems unaware of the Leveson Inquiry as well since that as the topic it covered.

Anonymity is given to anyone prepared to make untruthful accusations of child sexual abuse whilst the alleged accused are routinely fingered publicly without any credible evidence first being found. This is not justice. It is an abuse of power and authority.

Here we find a curious parallel. Child sexual abuse is an abuse of power. Mr. Proctor is claiming an abuse of power. He claims he is a victim and is being victimised by “alleged” victims. Why he believes an investigation is an abuse of power is not clear. More to the point, given that he requested one of the police interviews, it seems strange that he would categorize a heretofore-voluntary process as “an abuse of power.” He has not been arrested; he has not been detained. Yet, the investigation of allegations is an abuse of power.

  1. In conclusion, I wish to thank my Solicitors Mr Raza Sakhi and Mr Nabeel Gatrad and my family and friends for their support without which I would not have been able to survive this onslaught on my character and on my life.

Mr. Proctor closes with a heartfelt statement about the effect the investigation has had on him and his family.

I am prepared to take questions.



Issues to consider from the statement

Several issues emerge from this statement that need to be considered.

First, Mr. Proctor has offered no tangible evidence, except for his assertions, that disprove or undermine the allegations. He contests them, which is his right, and he asserts his innocence.

Second, he seems intent on speeding up the investigation and forcing it to a decision point. One might expect an innocent person, especially one who believes in law and order, to have faith in the judicial system to work its course and deliver the right outcome. Further, we would expect someone with previous experience of the criminal justice system to know that the process takes time.

Third, the statement is a long way of saying “I am innocent of all these charges.” Mr. Proctor has made a special effort to bring the allegations into the public domain and the names of the other people with whom the police have an interest. Although he does refer to why he has done this, it seems insufficient to explain the possible effect this will have on the public domain and the way it may influence the rest of the police investigation as well as any future court case should one emerge.

Fourth, Mr. Proctor has made an effort to personalize the issue and focus on the character of the police and the anonymous witness. He has attacked their integrity and suggested that they may be corrupt in that the expenses may be manipulated. Most importantly, he has asked that both the anonymous witness and the lead officer have their mental capacity checked. For an innocent man, he seem intent on taking issue with the police and the process and making his views as public as possible with the widest impact. He has explained this by the effect it has had on his character and his life. However, he has not addressed whether there are any other motives to his decisions.

Fifth, Mr. Proctor’s statement contains a number of points that require further investigation by the police. He has referred to possible points of intersection and further lines of enquiry.

How does this affect the public debate?

Mr. Proctor’s statements raise the troubling spectre of Lord McAlpine. He was wrongly accused of being a paedophile on Twitter. We have to be careful not to assume Mr Proctor’s guilt. He has been questioned because an alleged victim named him. His case raises the increasing threat of trial by social media. What underpins this threat is the unresolved problem of the relationship between the police and the media.

A second issue to consider is whether Mr. Proctor’s strategy will be one that others will emulate. Many individuals face trial by public opinion. They will issue public statements to defend when they are brought into public view in these circumstances. What is unusual is his focus. He has described the police lines of enquiry, which is unusual. He has attacked the integrity of: the officers, the witness, and the investigation. In such a strategy, there is an implicit, if not explicit, attempt to influence, if not direct, public opinion and the public mind on the matter. By contrast, one only need to note the success by which Rebekah Brooks managed the public domain through short speeches. She relied on the court to protect her from questions. If anyone had questioned her too closely, they risked prejudicing the then pending trial. Mr. Proctor has not been charged and a trial is not looming, the same concern exists. In this way, we see that the freedom of speech or even the freedom of press is less expansive than we imagine. Moreover, it also shows the gap between those who are able to command the media’s attention, and by extension, the public’s attention and those who are at the mercy of the the media’s attention.

Whatever the outcome of the investigation and any subsequent trial, if one occurs, Mr. Proctor has been given an ample opportunity to declare his innocence.









[8] For reasons only known to the Telegraph, its editor and proprietor, it has referred to witch hunts at each stage of the case. On the issue of mandatory reporting of child abuse was raised, the Telegraph cautioned against a “witch hunt”. See for example, See also and The powerful have been protected by their friends and supporters, see the defence of Leon Brittan described by David Hencke’s article on Dominic Lawson’s defence Here is Lawson’s article Here is Dan Hodges’ defence


[10] and

[11] See Lord Armstrong’s statement here: He added: ‘At the present stage… the risks of political embarrassment to the government is rather greater than the security danger.’

[12] Jerry Sandusky was eventually arrested, tried, and convicted for sexually abusing children. However, the incident in the shower did not immediately trigger his suspension or arrest. (It occurred in 2001, he was not arrested until 2011.) His status within the Penn State football programme and the standing of the Penn State football programme within the University and within the community protected him. Surely an ex-PM would garner the same if not more protection. For an overview of the case consider:

[13] Mr. Watson’s statement does not name anyone.



[16] and

About lawrence serewicz

An American living and working in the UK trying to understand the American idea and explain it to others. The views in this blog are my own for better or worse.
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